Visible Muslim, Invisible Citizen

Visible Muslim, Invisible Citizen explains Islam to non-Muslims who do not know enough about it; places the identity of the Indian Muslim in the context of Indian democracy; and deciphers the Muslim mind in social and political contexts, beyond theology. Khurshid undertakes this onerous task primarily for the benefit of Hindus, many of whom in recent years have been forced to misunderstand Muslims and Islam. Most importantly, it is also for the Muslims themselves, to help them steer out of the morass, partly of their own making.

The following is the Preface to the book. 

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The thought of attempting another book on Muslims, having penned At Home in India three decades ago (with an updated version in recent years), came from reading Shashi Tharoor’s Why I Am a Hindu. Strictly speaking, a corresponding work should have been called ‘Why I Am a Muslim’, but there are theological and political reasons that pose fundamental problems for this book, which I dare say may not have arisen for the book that encouraged this one. Yet there is something in common to the extent that Shashi Tharoor and I are both, and remain interested in persons born as, Hindus and Muslims, respectively.

Curiously, our understanding of religion in modern India is as greatly influenced by Hinduism as we have known it over the years, as by what we see around us of late, the latter being a far cry from Sanatan Dharma, the core of the way of life described as Hinduism. It is further distorted into the aggressive political statement of Hindutva. In a sense, Shashi Tharoor’s job, though tough, was easier than mine. He essentially had to rescue Hinduism from its political misuse by a narrow ideological movement that exhibits several signs of fascism. It might not be wrong that he was speaking essentially to Hindus, although people of other faiths benefited from his exposition. For me, the task is a complicated mixture of explaining Islam to those who do not know enough about it; placing the identity of the Indian Muslim in the context of the Indian democracy; deciphering the Muslim mind in social and political dimensions beyond theology. And curiously enough, it is a task undertaken primarily for the benefit of Hindus, many of whom in recent years have been forced to misunderstand Muslims and Islam. But it is also for the Muslims themselves, to help steer them out of this morass, partly of their own making. In pursuing this somewhat Herculean task, I may have to revisit the now-sterile debate that was once vigorously pursued by the late Syed Shahabuddin—whether it was right to speak of Muslim Indians or of Indian Muslims? The late diplomat-turned-politician and Muslim activist used his creation, the journal Muslim India, which predated Google’s world of instant information, to collate and secure material on Muslims. However, Shahabuddin left us without making any conspicuous progress on his thesis, having, instead, earned unfairly the reputation of a conservative interested in Muslim exclusiveness—a sort of intellectual mullah. A brilliant diplomat and a tireless campaigner for Muslim participation in the public space, he retreated into a small office in Okhla, from where he single-handedly edited Muslim India and managed the All India Muslim Majlis-e-Mushawarat (AIMMM), an organization of eminent Muslims. In his obituary, Shahabuddin was aptly described by the title of his unfinished autobiography, Muslim Heart, Indian Mind.

The genre of this book needs some explaining. Much as any author would desire to have his or her work taken seriously by the general readership as well as by experts and scholars, I believe I carry a special burden. Unlike books of dedicated academic scholars, this is neither the result of prolonged field research, nor a comprehensive response to the innumerable outstanding works in the area. The methodology of observation and collation of data are not offered for analytical contest. But it is also certainly not meant to be a collection of routine political responses to contemporary events and such history as might be reflected in them. In other words, it is not a political pamphlet. Furthermore, in contemporary India, views published in a book are either casually dismissed as a mere reaffirmation of political opinions (in the loose sense) or interpreted as having been written with a hidden agenda or overt political motives. This questionable modus operandi is not necessarily a monopoly of party political adversaries but also serves for friendly fire from one’s own rival colleagues. Attempts to record the truth can, therefore, harm the author a great deal more than his enemies. But without seeking political martyrdom, I have, consistent with my convictions over time, spoken the truth—the whole truth.

This book is about Islam as well as about Muslims, particularly Indian Muslims. In a sense, the two need not always be equated in a book, because it is quite possible to write about the two separately. I can claim to have understood the Indian Muslim by virtue of being one myself, having had close associations with many others variously placed in society, and in being, I believe, often incorrectly described as a Muslim leader. One wonders if ‘leader of Muslims’ might have been any more persuasive of my capabilities as a public figure? But, of course, there lies the dilemma of our times—can one be a Muslim leader, and also be more, or must we choose between the two? Curiously, few other communities face this dilemma.
As for Islam, though every Muslim can claim to know enough by instruction and observation for their routine existence and ultimate salvation, few of us need to, or can be, scholars, in the true sense of an alim. Of course, some perseverance and hard work, with guidance from someone knowledgeable, equips a person for meaningful discourse. As a lawyer and a curious follower of Islam, I have acquired a reasonable understanding that fortifies the traditional beliefs handed down by my family. I hope that to some extent, this will be useful in persuading readers that there is no inherent civilizational clash between Islam and Hinduism as we know them in our national lives. There is one other caveat that will be useful to anyone assessing this book. Admittedly, I am not, by any means, a scholar of Islam, and scholarship on the subject is vast, both ancient and contemporary. Yet, I believe there is an important dimension that can be added to the contemporary public discourse by the views of an Indian Muslim in public life.

Returning now to the question prompted by Shashi Tharoor. Instead of ‘why I am a Muslim’, I will attempt to answer ‘what am I as a Muslim?’. If I succeed in even a small measure to answer that effectively, I may achieve what I have set out to do—to place Islam in the context of modernism, and the Indian Muslim in the proper perspective in contemporary Indian politics. Shashi Tharoor, of course, had access to the commentaries of eminent Hindu religious scholars, including the work of Dr. Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan. In the case of Islam, with a few exceptions such as Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, much of the recognized work is to be found beyond the border. And thus our journey begins.

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